The Most Interesting Event In The Manchester Airport Scandal

A lesson in manufactured narratives...

Another scandal has gripped Britain.

Days ago, some particularly graphic footage circulated of a UK police officer kicking the head of a man subdued on the floor at Manchester Airport. This preceded another equally brutal stamp on the man’s head.

Outrage followed. The media broadcasted the footage on repeat for the next 48 hours straight. It was all anyone could talk about.

Greater Manchester Police issued a public statement the day after.

They revealed that there was a recording of one of the two men involved engaging in suspicious activities in the airport car park. When officers tried to arrest him, a skirmish broke out. One man broke a female officer's nose and fought with two other officers.

Some of the more objective members of the commentariat urged caution in jumping to conclusions.

Then, something strange happened.

Since the police officers were white and the so-called victims looked of Pakistani or Indian heritage, activists saw an opportunity. Suddenly, cries of racism abounded. “Anti-racism” activists took to the streets with BLM placards, blaring from the deepest pits of their lungs “no justice, no peace”.

After police identified the two men as Muhammad Fahir Amaaz and Amaad Amaaz of Rochdale, hundreds of protestors gathered outside the local police station, repeating similar sentiments:

Later that night, footage emerged of some throwing eggs:

Of course, The Guardian supplemented efforts. “Racism played part in police kick incident at Manchester airport, says former senior officer”, one of their headlines soon declared. They didn’t have any evidence to support it. The article was based on one former chief officer’s opinion, who also didn’t have any evidence.

Meanwhile, Akmed Yakoob, the lawyer defending the two men, wasted no time in launching a remarkably shrewd marketing campaign. First, he posted a video lamenting the police’s lack of care to his clients, neglecting to mention their violence. Then, he claimed on LBC that the event was an assassination attempt. He even involved young kids in his calls for justice.

Here is a compilation, it’s worth the watch:

To Mr Yakoob’s credit, when some activists in Rochdale threatened that if they didn’t get “justice, these muthaf*ckers (police) are gunna get it”, he told them to “remain peaceful”.

Four days later, Manchester Airport released the full CCTV footage:

It spoke for itself. Both men clearly resist arrest before descending into a thuggish frenzy, swinging and landing several vicious blows to the officers (one of which was female we needn't forget). Conveniently, the anti-racist protestors dissipated. The hotshot lawyer Yakoob dropped his clients. The media recoiled.

Author Julie Bindel weighed in with perhaps the most objective verdict:

“The Manchester airport debacle is a very clear and strong example of how almost impossible it is for some to grasp the fact that two (apparently contradictory) things can be the case, and condemnation can be levied at both. AmIright?”

In other words, Muhammad and Amaad first assaulted the officers. Logic, thus, dictates they have little grounds for complaint about heavy treatment. However, the officer's kick could have been avoided, even though everything happened in quick succession and in an extremely hostile environment.

For anyone who has any knowledge of Rochdale, however, there laid a deep and distasteful irony in the fictitious claims of institutional racism towards minorities. In fact, there is long-standing historical precedent of precisely the opposite.

In Rochdale, Greater Manchester Police oversaw one of the worst racially motivated child sex abuse scandals in British history. This did not included the systematic targeting of minorities but underage white girls.

In May 2012, a court convicted nine men of horrific crimes, including rape, sex trafficking, and conspiracy to engage in sexual activity with children. By January 2024, a staggering 42 men had been convicted, receiving a total of 432 years in prison. Authorities identified forty-seven girls as victims. The men involved were predominantly of Pakistani heritage.

In the same year, the deputy children's commissioner reported that 33% of child sex abuse by gangs in Britain was committed by individuals categorised as “British Asians,” primarily meaning those of Pakistani heritage. At the time, “Asians” made up only 7% of the population, with Pakistani-Asians being an even smaller percentage. Incredibly, the report concluded that focusing on these statistics was "irresponsible."

Greater Manchester Police only apologised in March 2015 for their failure to properly investigate the allegations between 2008 and 2010. In 2014, Sara Rowbotham, the sexual health worker who first identified the abuse patterns, lost her job because of redundancy. Former detective constable Margaret Oliver, disgusted by the police’s handling of the cases, resigned in 2012.

A 2024 report further condemned police and Rochdale Council for leaving girls "at the mercy of their abusers." Although there were successful prosecutions, investigations only "scraped the surface," allowing many abusers to escape justice.

It later emerged that police and social work departments hesitated to act for fear of appearing racist.

Mainstream media’s response was as disappointing, to say the least. Several major outlets failed to provide timely and accurate coverage, often downplaying the severity of the situation. Instead of holding authorities accountable, they too shied away from the racial aspects of the crimes, fearing backlash.

Unfortunately, the reaction to the airport scandal highlights a pervasive reality: activists and the media class will exaggerate, even fabricate, narratives of racism toward minorities where it simply does not exist. And to maintain the illusion, they’re all too happy to undermine racism toward the majority in the process.

In 2022, a research group reported that equality, diversity, and inclusivity (EDI) jobs in the public sector cost taxpayers £557 million a year. This amount pales compared to the private sector, which is equally, if not, or more invested in EDI-related occupations.

We have created an entire micro-economy based on "anti-racist activism." It might be too much to say that EDI workers want more of a certain type of racism, but they certainly need it to keep lining their pockets.

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